Exploring how religious and secular forces interact in the modern world.
It was not a Christian ethic that drew conservative Christians to Donald Trump, but rather a sense of political tribalism and a base transactionalism.
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What appears to be an isolated episode in sexual politics is, when placed in historical context, one surgent moment in a long contest over the identity and character of U.S. society.
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Race is inextricably interwoven with Christian nationalism in the U.S. And racialized privilege—and various dynamics of racial animus—is an essential driver of the recurring waves of White evangelical Christian ethno-religious nationalism.
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Ethno-religious nationalism—and the distinctive logic and dynamics of zombie nationalism—forms the connective tissue between much White evangelicalism and QAnon conspiracy ideology.
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The Trump-infused ethno-religious nationalism of White evangelicals is but the most recent upsurge of a political and cultural current that is traceable back at least sixty years, and indeed, much further.
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Antisemitism, like other forms of racism and bigotry, should be rejected by appeals to human rights and justice, not through the closure of critical thinking and blind acceptance of official Israeli state policies.
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When we open ourselves to complexities we are less likely to force our notion of what liberation is onto others.
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The Shabbat massacre is not only a hate crime. It is also the latest expression of racialized Christian construction of boundaries.
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Of course, not all religious conservatives feel attracted to the populist message. Which do? Religious nationalists.
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Newly empowered, US white nationalists straddle pre- or a-modern theology and Christianity, re-constructed and re-lived on internet forums and tv-shows of late-modernity. Willard tracks the contentions in the US white nationalist right through the lens of Arendt’s “Origins of Totalitarianism”.
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